Transnational elements of the Congo Reform Campaign

Belgian control of the Congo Basin was one of the most notable imperial atrocities during the imperialist age at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century. The brutal treatment of the people of the Congo Free State has come to symbolise the worst aspects of European imperialism. During the scramble for Africa, Leopold II of Belgium carved out an empire along the Congo River. This meant that the King ruled the Congo Free State as his own possession, exploiting the areas richness in raw materials, which took a huge toll in human life, as well as other atrocities, such as the severing of limbs.

The Congo Reform Association (CRA) was a humanitarian campaign set up in 1904 by E.D. Morel and Roger Casement, and also included the help of Dr Henry Grattan Guinness, and was arguably the first major human rights movement of the twentieth century, although critics would say that it was more about trade than a humanitarian issue. The CRA orchestrated debates and resolutions in Parliament, called public meetings and enlisted support in the United States.[1] Roger Casement was a British consul at the time and was instructed to investigate the alleged widespread human rights abuses and exploitation of the native people which were occurring in the Congo.[2] Casement published his report in 1904 and was instrumental in King Leopold II finally relinquishing his private territorial holdings in Africa. However, for many years prior to the publishing of this report there were reports coming from the Congo of the atrocities committed on there against its people, and slowly gained international support for their cause.

E. D. Morel would play a significant role in the activities and campaigning of the CRA. Morel first set off on his crusade against King Leopold II presence in the Congo Free State when he became aware of the atrocities perpetrated against the Africans. This happened when, whilst he was employed at a shipping firm, he noticed the ships returning from the Congo were offloading their cargo of raw materials and setting sail with weapons.[3] Switching to journalism, Morel was able to devote himself to exposing the regime and produced a series of articles on the subject. He argued that the atrocities in the Congo were the inevitable result of a system in place there which denied the native the right to free trade and, therefore, must force him to slave labour against his will.[4] Morel differed in the view of Guinness, who was an Irish Protestant Christian, in that Morel wanted to honour the 1885 Berlin Act and open up the Congo to free trade whereas the missionaries wanted to have access in order to Christianise the native population. However, Morel realised that he needed Guinness as he had the ability to influence a lot of religious philanthropic people which Morel did not have.[5] The missionaries played a very important role in spreading the information about the atrocities throughout Europe and North America. They achieved this by delivering thousands of lectures using images of mutilated Congolese natives and other horrific incidents.[6] In 1906, Morel wrote a book called ‘Red Rubber’ which was designed to arouse the emotions of its readers to the nature of the atrocities in the Congo, and in this book Morel described them as unparalleled at any other point in history.[7] To highlight the transnational element of support for the CRA, Morel was able to recruit the help of French journalist Pierre Mile to co-write a book with him, as well as support from French author Anatole France, and Belgian socialist leader Emile Vandervelde, who sent Morel copies of Belgian parliamentary debates.[8]

The CRA was able to garner support not only from people within different countries, but across the religious divide as well. An article published in The Washington Post in 1907 about Reverend R. J. Campbell declaring his belief that Great Britain could stop the atrocities, by banning Belgian coal ships from docking at British ports, supports this. Within the same article, it is mentioned that President Roosevelt has lent his weight to the campaign by declaring that he would support Great Britain in any concerted effort to end the horrors as he believed that if the two countries acted together (England and America), then no power could oppose them.[9]

Before the CRA came into existence, an awareness of the atrocities taking place in the Congo was already coming to light on the international stage. George Washington Williams, a black American Civil War veteran, minister, politician, journalist and historian wrote an open letter to King Leopold II on the Congo in 1890.[10] In this letter he detailed the suffering of the region’s inhabitants at the hands of the people who were working for Leopold. Washington appealed to the international community to ‘call and create an International Commission to investigate the charges herein preferred in the name of Humanity …’[11] Williams also wrote a letter to the U.S. President describing the cruel slave trade being enforced upon the Congo natives as ‘crimes against humanity’.[12] These efforts helped to sway public opinion against Leopold’s regime which was running the Congo and sparked the coming together of educated campaigners in powerful positions, who were eager to raise awareness and highlight the situation to the masses, thus helping the Congolese to break free from the chains of their oppressors.

However, the Congo Reform Association would also take on a transnational dimension during its existence. There was a branch in the United States, which was set up to achieve the same goals, called the American Congo Reform Association (ACRA). The list of members was illustrious, from Booker T. Washington, an American Civil Rights activist, to Mark Twain, an internationally famous author.[13] Having influential people such as this on board helped the CRA in gaining publicity for its cause. Indeed, a letter was written to the New York Times bringing to the attention of the people of the United States that they were petitioning Congress on reform in the Congo, and also promoting the sale of Mark Twain’s “King Leopold’s Soliloquy”.[14] Twain himself, whilst occupying the role of vice-president of ACRA, and in addition to writing “King Leopold’s Soliloquy” which was a work of political satire condemning the actions of Leopold in the Congo, also wrote two other unpublished pieces on the Congo. He also gave a lengthy newspaper interview about the Congo, mentioned the issue in several speeches and made three trips to Washington to talk in favour of reform with President Theodore Roosevelt and high officials in the State Department.[15]

Booker T. Washington, an American Civil Rights activist, was also involved in ACRA and participated in the campaign to end the atrocities in the Congo. At the request of Thomas S. Barbour, the organiser of ACRA, Washington set about using his influence on high American officials on behalf of Congo reform. He called personally on his friend President Roosevelt and on members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to urge American diplomatic pressure on the Belgian government and monarch.[16] Indeed, Washington carried a lot of weight behind him in terms of being able to influence people in power. When he went to the White House, Washington carried with him a protest committee of the National Baptist Convention, which was the largest of all Negro organisations at the time, which he had helped to arouse to a state of concern.[17] Washington continued to lecture on Congo Reform and spoke with Mark Twain at a series of meetings in major American cities. All of this, along with the pressure exerted by Twain and other activists, did have an effect on policy makers and people in power, and in 1909 a letter was published in the New York Times detailing five principle demands that then Secretary of State Elihu Root had issued to the Belgian Minister to the United States, Baron Moncheur.[18]

Here we can see that an organisation and a movement which started out in Britain managed to find, and appealed to, other people of a different nationality rallying behind the same cause. The petitioning that they engaged in, the publicity they gained from their actions and the influence they exerted were all of great use to the cause of Congo reform, and showed that international barriers of nationality can be broken down when a common cause is found and a common goal is sought.

All of the campaigning to raise awareness not only aroused public opinion in Britain and the United States, but also within religious circles in Europe, even in Belgium, whose own King was the perpetrator of the atrocities in the Congo. Father Arthur Vermeersch wrote a book called ‘La Question Congolaise’ in which he strongly attacked the Leopoldian system in place within the Congo. However, where Morel and the other reformers considered the main crime of the regime to be its violation of the principle of free trade, Vermeersch saw it as a violation of natural law.[19] Obviously Vermeersch had his own agenda, in terms of the fact that he was Catholic and, as such, was wary at first of international reform working to the advantage of Protestants. Ultimately, however, he, and other Catholics, became critical of the regime once it was realised that the work of the Catholics missions in the region may be sacrificed and they became allies to the reformers.[20] Although not working towards the same goals as the CRA, by looking at this example we can see how far reaching the influence of the CRA was, by analysing the level of awareness raised for people within religious circles to jump onto the bandwagon and take in an interest in the issue, if not for anything other than to further their own agenda.

The Congo Reform Association was a movement designed to highlight the horrors occurring in the Congo Free State. It was originally founded in Britain but the cause was soon to be taken up by Americans and Europeans alike. It served to highlight the contrasting views of imperialism within certain circles at the time, in that it was accepted but not at any cost. People from different professions, writers, journalists, Government employees, and historians, to name but a few, all came together alongside people within the religious hierarchy to raise awareness of the atrocities perpetrated in the Congo and, although their agendas differed, they all sought the common goal to end the suffering.

References

[1] Miers, Suzanne. Slavery and antislavery in the twentieth century. (Oxford, 2003), p.53.

[2] Grant, Kevin. A Civilised Savagery: Britain and the New Slaveries in Africa, 1884-1926. (New York, 2005), pp.62-63.

[3] Cline, Catherine Ann, ‘E. D. Morel and the Crusade against the Foreign Office’, Journal of Modern History, Vol. 39, No. 2 (Jun., 1967), pp. 126-137.

[4] Cline, Catherine Ann, ‘The Church and the Movement for Congo Reform’,Church History, Vol. 32, No. 1 (Mar., 1963), pp. 46-56.

[5] Grant, A Civilised Savagery, pp.62-63.

[6] Sliwinski, Sharon. “The Childhood of Human Rights: the Kodak on the Congo.” Journal of Visual Culture, Vol. 5, No. 3 (2006), p.333-363.

[7] Ibid.

[8] Daniel Laqua, The Age of Internationalism and Belgium, 1880–1930: Peace, Progress and Prestige. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2013, pp. 56–59.

[9] ‘Congo Horrors Denounced’, (1907, 8 July), The Washington Post, p.3.

[10] http://www.friendsofthecongo.org/lumumba/freedom-fighters.html

[11] http://www.blackpast.org/?q=george-washington-williams-open-letter-king-leopold-congo-1890

[12] Hochschild, Adam. King Leopold’s Ghost: a story of greed, terror, and heroism in Colonial Africa. (Boston, 1998), p.112.

[13] Wheeler, E.P. (1906)’Congo Reform Appeal’, New York Times, 31 January, p.6.

[14] Ibid.

[15] Hawkins, Hunt, ‘Mark Twain’s Involvement with the Congo Reform Movement: A Fury of Generous Indignation’, The New England Quarterly, Vol. 51, No. 2 (June, 1978), pp.147-175.

[16] Harlan, Louis R. ‘Booker T. Washington and the White Man’s Burden’, The American Historical Review, Vol. 71, No. 2 (Jan. 1966), pp.441-467.

[17] Ibid.

[18] ‘Root’s Demands on Belgium’, (1909, 29 Jan), The New York Times, p.6.

[19] Catherine Ann Cline, ‘The Church and the Movement for Congo Reform’,Church History, Vol. 32, No. 1 (Mar., 1963), pp. 46-56.

[20] Ibid.

Bibliography

Grant, K. A Civilised Savagery: Britain and the New Slaveries in Africa, 1884-1926. New York: Routledge, 2005.

Hochschild, A. King Leopold’s Ghost: a story of greed, terror, and heroism in Colonial Africa. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1998.

Miers, S. Slavery and Antislavery in the Twentieth Century. Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003.

Cline, Catherine Ann, ‘E. D. Morel and the Crusade against the Foreign Office’,Journal of Modern History, Vol. 39, No. 2 (Jun., 1967), pp. 126-137.

Cline, Catherine Ann, ‘The Church and the Movement for Congo Reform’, Church History, Vol. 32, No. 1 (Mar., 1963), pp. 46-56.

Harlan, Louis R. Louis R. ‘Booker T. Washington and the White Man’s Burden’,The American Historical Review, Vol. 71, No. 2 (Jan. 1966), pp.441-467.

Hawkins, Hunt, ‘Mark Twain’s Involvement with the Congo Reform Movement: A Fury of Generous Indignation’, The New England Quarterly, Vol. 51, No. 2 (June, 1978), pp.147-175.

Laqua, Daniel. The Age of Internationalism and Belgium, 1880–1930: Peace, Progress and Prestige. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2013.

Sliwinski, Sharon. “The Childhood of Human Rights: the Kodak on the Congo.”Journal of Visual Culture, Vol. 5, No. 3 (2006), p.333-363.

‘Root’s Demands on Belgium’, (1909, 29 Jan), The New York Times, p.6.

‘Congo Horrors Denounced’, (1907, 8 July), The Washington Post, p.3.

Wheeler, E.P. (1906)’Congo Reform Appeal Wheeler, E.P. (1906)’Congo Reform Appeal’, New York Times, 31 January, p.6.

http://www.friendsofthecongo.org/lumumba/freedom-fighters.html

http://www.blackpast.org/?q=george-washington-williams-open-letter-king-leopold-congo-1890

An Introduction to the Congo Free State and the Reform movement

The atrocities committed in the Congo Free State under the rule of King Leopold II during the age of imperialism of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century eventually became one of the greatest international scandals in recorded history. Of all participants in the scramble for Africa, engaged by most European colonial powers in the nineteenth century, Leopold II, King of the Belgians, left arguably the biggest and most damaging legacy of all.

During the latter half of the eighteenth century, Leopold carved out for himself a private colony within the Central African rainforest which, he claimed, he was doing to civilise the natives, protect them from cruel Arab slave traders and open up Central Africa to western capitalism and Christian missionaries. What actually took place was the transformation of the Congo region into a state where the use of forced labour was ripe whilst Leopold made huge profits as a result, symbolising the worst aspects of European imperialism. However, these atrocities did not go unnoticed. Several leading public figures at the time from around the world would investigate and campaign against Leopold’s actions in the Congo basin, bringing together people of different nationalities to work towards a common goal.

It has been over one hundred years since the Belgians and, in particular, King Leopold II, first colonised the Congo, and much has been written about Belgian imperialism since. However, the nature of the debate has changed over the years, as well as a change in the contributors to the debate. The most notable change is in the authorship of its history; from previously being solely the pursuit of white European historians, to now including the emergence of African historians producing work on the subject, giving it a whole new perspective to that of the white European literature produced which has dominated the field since the Congo Free State was formed.[1] Most of the early work produced by historians was written before the 1950s, at a time when their own countries were still colonial powers. It was not until the 1970s that African scholars began to publish on the subject, challenging both the conclusions reached by the white European historians as well as their historical method.

Belgian imperialism and the resulting atrocities committed in the Congo Free State have been the subject of much debate and controversy, and have been revisited again during the twenty-first century. The ‘red rubber’ controversy and the issue of colonial memory are two of the key issues that historians are currently dealing with and work is being produced on these as well as other interrelated subjects. Most of the work produced, however, is restricted to academic circles due to their specialised subjects and the different languages that they are published in. The recent resurgence in interest is largely due to the release of Adam Hochschild’s book King Leopold’s Ghost[2], a controversial work which became an international bestseller.

In his book, Hochschild describes King Leopold II’s exploitation of the Congo and its people and how it led to the death of approximately ten million people – nearly half of the estimated population of the Congo at the time – killing at a level of what Hochschild called ‘genocidal proportions’[3]. Using such terms as ‘holocaust’ and essentially ‘guessing’ the death toll inevitably raised questions and caused controversy, especially in Belgium. Hochschild’s book has come under criticism from historians, such as Angus Mitchell, for not examining key primary sources in his work, for example the letters exchanged between E.D. Morel and Roger Casement, as well as his reliance on the ‘Black Diaries’ as a reliable source for monitoring Casement’s movements through the Congo in 1903.[4] Other historians, such as Guy Vanthemsche, have objected to Hochschild’s use of associating the atrocities and violence that occurred in the Congo Free State with twentieth-century interpretations of mass genocide, as well as questioning the basis of his claims of the figures involved regarding total deaths; although they do agree that actual atrocities occurred during Leopold II and the Belgian state’s control of the region[5], which is an important step forward regarding Belgian attitudes towards their colonial past. However, what Hochschild did achieve with the publication of his book was the re-ignition of the debate over Belgian atrocities in the Congo Free State.

The history written about the Belgian Congo and the atrocities that occurred there has largely been dominated by two different schools of thought – imperialist and revisionist. The former, also considered to be apologists, were characterised by their favour and praise for King Leopold II and their defence of the Belgian colony from the ‘moral’ crusaders against the Belgian operation in the Congo Free State. Revisionist historians, such as Robert Cornevin and Jean Stengers, were critical of the imperialist project in the Congo by the Belgians.[6]

The early history of the Belgian Congo began with the recording, and publishing, of personal testimonies of the explorers, missionaries and colonial administrators collected at the time. One of the most influential, and controversial, pieces of literature produced in the wake of the Belgian project in the Congo Free State was Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness. In this book, Conrad created a fictional account of an ivory transporter working in the Congo who witnesses some atrocities there; forced labour for example. However, the story was based on Conrad’s experiences of working on a steamboat in the Congo and, it has been argued, delivered a story which tells of an experience which has strayed ‘very little’ from the ‘original facts of the case’[7].

Two of the most important sources from this time on the Belgian Congo were actually British – Roger Casement and E.D. Morel. It was Morel who initiated the most systematic English-language investigation into the Congo Free State and how Leopold was operating there; Roger Casement’s report to the British government in 1904 led to the increase in awareness and subsequent application of public pressure on Leopold.[8]. Works such as Mark Twain’s King Leopold’s Soliloquy[9], which detailed the atrocities being committed there in the form of a political satire, seen through the eyes of Leopold himself, as well as the reports filed by missionaries at the time, all manifested itself into a scathing body of work against Leopold’s project in the Congo. Later, in a concerted effort, Morel and Casement, along with Arthur Conan Doyle, a famous author and member of the Congo Reform Association, published The Crime of the Congo in 1909, which was a long pamphlet which denounced the horrors of the Belgian colony in the Congo[10]. This added to the body of literature that already existed on the subject of Belgian atrocities in the Congo at the time. All of these accounts provided the early historians with their main source of information on the Congo; these as well as texts from other different explorers, the history of which was all written by white European historians.

The role of religion and the atrocities in the Congo has also been studied at length by historians. The work of the missionaries, both Catholic and Protestant, was crucial in providing not only eye-witness accounts of the brutality of the Belgian regime in the Congo, but also of their role in raising awareness of the problem. As a result, it has been widely covered by several historians. Catherine Ann Cline has written about the relationship between the Catholic and Protestant Churches as one fraught with tension. Having previously adopted a position of ‘religious neutrality’, upon recognition of his claim by the world powers at the Berlin Conference in 1884-85, Leopold felt it no longer necessary to court the Protestant favour and, as a result, retreated to supporting the Catholic mission in the Congo.[11] Cline also highlights how the Catholic and Protestant missionaries were diametrically opposed in their views towards the Belgian treatment of the Congolese; whilst the Protestant missionaries working in the Congo Free State were the earliest critics of the Belgian regime, the Catholic position was one of rejecting the reformers claims that the abuses which occurred were ‘both systematic and unique’, and that they were an intrinsic part of the regime there and were no worse than what occurred in other European colonies.[12]

Dean Pavlakis has also examined the role of religion in the history of the humanitarian efforts of the Congo reformers. He has identified that, within this study of the work of the missionaries, historians have developed three branches of thought on the subject. In Pavlakis’ opinion, some historians, such as Hochschild, identify and understand the important role played by the missionaries, acting as ‘individual heroic…agents, albeit minor players in a Morel-centred narrative’[13]. The second branch sees the missionaries as vital to the Congo Reform Association; a view propagated by historians such as Ruth Slade, in which she states that the shape of the whole campaign against Belgian atrocities in the Congo would have been very different without the missionaries[14]. The third branch includes work done by historians, such as Kevin Grant, which views the missionaries as being very important in ‘creating popular outrage and support for reform’ and who argue against the ‘dominant Morel-centred historiography’ that the missionaries were crucial in turning around a failing reform campaign at the time.[15]

The effect of the Belgian atrocities and how they were received in the United States of America has also been considered by historians of the subject. In Jeanette Eileen Jones’ book In Search of Brightest Africa, the argument is put forward that many Americans were behind Leopold’s project in the Congo from the outset[16]. Jones states that, in American eyes, the prospect of an American (Henry Morton Stanley) opening up the Congo to American trade and commerce brought Africa into American diplomacy and would be a beneficial relationship to both. However, public opinion on Belgian control of the Congo Free State changed during the 1890s when reports began to circulate regarding Stanley’s mistreatment of natives in his expedition.[17] These attacks came from British newspapers and had resonance in the United States, and helped to turn the tide of public opinion against Leopold’s regime. This led to a lot of American anti-imperialists joining the Congo Reform Association branch based in the United States. It was not until this turning point, Jones argues, that Americans really began to understand what was happening in the Congo; before that, most American anti-imperialists had very little concern towards the realities of colonial rule in Africa.[18] Of course, work had been produced by Americans at the time of the atrocities regarding Leopold’s control of the Congo Free State and his mistreatment of the natives; the work written by missionaries was the first to arouse American public interest on the Congo question. Twain’s Soliloquy has been studied at length and interpreted for its cultural significance as well as its historical importance in relation to the Congo, mainly for understanding the support the Congo Reform Association received during its existence.

Of course, no historiography of the Belgian atrocities in the Congo would be complete without examining the work of, and about, Edmund Dene Morel. Morel was the leading figure in initiating opposition to Leopold’s exploits in the Congo. He had worked for a major shipping company based in Liverpool, and who was also a part-time journalist, and had noticed that many ships were returning from the Congo full of rubber yet were returning full of weapons, as opposed to goods to be traded. Morel then decided to take action and, as Martin Ewans has described, through the publication of several articles he set out to expose what was happening in the Congo, first by writing anonymously in Speaker, then later through work under his own name.[19] Much of the written history about Morel focuses on his work as a campaigner and with the Congo Reform Association, and his efforts in ‘crusading’ against the British Foreign Office into taking action against Leopold[20]. These texts are vital in understanding the motivating factors of the major figures involved in the movement for reform, and, in particular, Morel. As he was the catalyst for gathering an international consensus amongst the educated classes regarding ending Leopold’s control over the Congo region, Morel is an interesting figure and will no doubt be continually researched and discussed when examining activism against Belgian atrocities in the Congo Free State.

The historiography of Belgian atrocities in the Congo is still developing. Following the publication of Hochschild’s novel, other books were published which portrayed the Belgian colonial experiment in the Congo in a negative light. The subjects tackled by historians are numerous – ranging from the economic aspect of Leopold’s regime in the Congo, to studies on the making of Belgian imperialism as a whole and the role of propaganda; from revisionist work on the key figures involved in the campaign for reform, to work examining the role of religion in highlighting the atrocities in the Congo Free State.[21] The social, cultural, political and economic factors have all been examined and are continuing to be researched in order to further develop the understanding of the complex nature of Belgian imperialism in the Congo. Challenging pre-conceived ideas regarding Belgian imperialism in Africa is most certainly a worthwhile pursuit and, even now, work is being published which challenges these ideas whilst simultaneously adding a new perspective on this dark chapter in Belgian history.

Notes

[1] For an overview of Congolese history written by Congolese historians, see: G. Nzongola-Ntalaja, The Congo from Leopold to Kabila: A People’s History, (London: Zed Books, 2002); C.D. Gondola, The History of Congo, (Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing, 2002); Isidore N’Daywel, Histoire générale du Congo, (Paris, Brussels: De Boeck & Larcier, 1998).

[2] Adam Hochschild, King Leopold’s Ghost, (London: Pan MacMillan, 1998).

[3] Hochschild, King Leopold’s Ghost, p.225.

[4] Angus Mitchell, ‘Reviews’, review of King Leopold’s Ghost, by Adam Hochschild, History Today, August 1999.

[5] Guy Vanthemsche, ‘The Historiography of Belgian Colonialism in the Congo’, in Csaba Lévai, (ed.), Europe and the World in European Historiography, (Pisa: Edizioni Plus, 2006), pp.92-119.

[6] Lars Jensen, Rajeev S. Patke & Prem Poddar, A Historical Companion to Postcolonial Literatures – Continental Europe and its Empires, (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2008), p.26.

[7] Hochschild, King Leopold’s Ghost, 1998.

[8] Seamus O’ Siochain & Michael O’ Sullivan, The Eyes of another Race: Roger Casement’s Congo Report and 1903 Diary, (Dublin: University College Dublin Press, 2003).

[9] Mark Twain, King Leopold’s Soliloquy, (Boston: The P.R. Warren Co., 1905).

[10] Arthur Conan Doyle, Crime of the Congo, (London: Hutchinson & Co., 1909).

[11] Catherine Ann Cline, ‘The Church and the Movement for Congo Reform’,Church History: Studies in Christianity and Culture, Vol.32, Issue 1 (March 1963), p.46.

[12] Ibid, p.49.

[13] Dean Pavlakis, ‘The Development of British Overseas Humanitarianism and the Congo Reform Campaign’, Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History, Vol.11, No.1 (Spring 2010).

[14] Ibid, p.4.

[15] Ibid; see also Kevin Grant, A Civilised Savagery: Britain and the New Slaveries in Africa, 1884-1926, (New York; London: Routledge, 2005).

[16] Jeanette Eileen Jones, In Search of Brightest Africa: Reimagining the Dark Continent in American Culture, 1884-1936, (Athens; London: The University of Georgia Press, 2010)

[17] Ibid, pp.50-51

[18] Ibid

[19] Martin Ewans, European Atrocity, African Catastrophe: Leopold II, the Congo Free State and its Aftermath, (New York: Routledge, 2002), pp.185-193.

[20] Catherine Ann Cline, ‘E. D. Morel and the Crusade against the Foreign Office’, The Journal of Modern History, Vol.39, No.2 (June, 1967), pp.126-137.

[21] See (in no particular order): Neal Ascherson, The King Incorporated: Leopold the Second and the Congo, (London: Granta Books, 1999); Séamas Ó Síocháin, Roger Casement: Imperialist, Rebel, Revolutionary, (Dublin: Lilliput Press, 2008);, Catherine Wynne, The Colonial Conan Doyle: British Imperialism, Irish Nationalism, and the Gothic, (London: Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002); Matthew G. Stannard, Selling the Congo: A History of European Pro-Empire Propaganda and the making of Belgian Imperialism, (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2011); Guy Vanthemsche, Belgium and the Congo, 1885-1980, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012)

Spotlight – Sir Roger Casement

The first in our Spotlight series begins with one of the key figures in the early stages of the Congo reform movement – Roger Casement, also known as Sir Roger Casement CMG, who died 98 years ago this month in disgrace after being exposed as a ‘traitor’ due to his involvement in the Easter Rising of 1916; only five years before had Casement knelt before King George V to receive a knighthood for his humanitarian work.

Early Life

Casement was born on 1st September 1864 in Sandycove, County Dublin, to a Protestant father and a Catholic mother. Despite being baptised in secret by his mother at the age of four[1], Casement, for most of his life, thought himself as a Protestant, only formally converting to Catholicism during his time in prison, weeks before his death. An unsettled childhood saw Casement orphaned by the age of thirteen and, along with his sister Agnes and their two brothers, Tom and Charlie, eventually moved in to the Casement family farm with their Uncle John near Ballymena. It was at Ballymena High School where Casement would receive his education, spending his holidays with his mother’s sister Grace, who lived in Stanley, Liverpool. Casement’s uncle was Edward Bannister, a serving British Consul and would describe experiences of Africa to a young Casement, arguably sowing the seeds for his later humanitarian concerns for the people of the continent.

After leaving school, Casement soon found work with the Elder Dempster shipping company in Liverpool before moving on to work as a purser on board the SS Bonny, an African trading vessel, and later gaining employment with the International Association, which was controlled directly by Leopold, in 1884, on the eve of the Berlin Conference. This was the beginning of Casement’s African career and ironic in that it was with the very regime that he would ultimately expose almost twenty years later. However, this experience of the inner working practices of the International Association would put Casement in great stead when writing his later report on the atrocities committed in the Congo Free State[2]. It was also during his time in Africa that Casement became acquainted with Józef Teodor Konrad Korzeniowski, or Joseph Conrad as he would later be known, author of the novella Heart of Darkness, which described the life of an ivory transporter down the Congo river in Central Africa and was inspired by the atrocities committed in the Congo Free State[3].

The Casement Report and Humanitarian Efforts

In May 1903 the British House of Commons passed a critical resolution on the Congo. They resolved that the British government, ‘in order to abate the evils prevalent in that state’ must confer with the other powers who were signatories of the Berlin General Act to ‘abate the evils prevalent in that State'[4], and Casement, then British Consul at Boma, was instructed to investigate the reported atrocities there. The subsequent report, which ran for forty pages of the Parliamentary Papers, and contains another twenty pages of individual statements gathered by Casement, including several detailing the kidnapping, assault, mutilation and murder of men, women and children, was a damning exposure of the exploitation taking place in the Congo Free State. Using interviews with missionaries, natives, riverboat captains and railroad workers to substantiate his claims, Casement had gathered the evidence required that allowed the British government to expose Leopold’s maladministration in the Congo Free State and, by providing detailed examples of ‘wholesale oppression and shocking mismanagement’ in the Congo, Casement had enabled the Foreign Office to take a decisive stand against Leopold and his regime in the Congo Free State[5].

Casement, however, was not convinced that action taken by the British government would help redress the wrongs of Leopold’s exploitation of the Congo. Instead, Casement believed, a humanitarian effort was needed in order to bring Leopold’s evil regime to an end and along with Edmund Dene Morel, founded the Congo Reform Association, whose aim was to pressure the British and American governments, as well as the other signatories of the Berlin Act and Leopold himself, to bring about reform in the Congo Free State and end the rampant exploitation of the Congolese people and their natural resources.

The publication of Casement’s report had enormous repercussions in parliament itself, as well as in the press, the political class and public opinion. He was now invited to speak at public meetings and private clubs, as well as being interviewed by the press. Leaflets and articles appeared regularly, generously praising the Report and Casement’s obvious commitment to the cause of justice and freedom; the resulting attacks aimed at him through official publications in Belgium and by gossip columnists in England who were propagandists for Leopold, only strengthened the image of Casement as a great humanitarian and campaigner for justice[6].

Casement would later produce the Putumayo Report in 1911, which exposed the cruel and exploitative treatment of indigenous people working in the rubber industry by the British-registered Peruvian Amazon Company in the Putumayo region of Peru. This, as well as his previous humanitarian efforts, earned Casement a knighthood on his return to Britain. However, during the First World War, Casement was found guilty of treason for his attempts to raise troops for a potential uprising in Ireland. After travelling to Germany to try recruit Irish soldiers who had fought for Britain but had been captured by Germany, Casement soon realised that his efforts were not successful, that an attempted uprising would be futile, and returned to Ireland. However, after being dropped off in County Kerry by a German U-boat, Casement was arrested by the British authorities and imprisoned in the Tower of London. Shortly afterwards, he was found guilty of high treason and sentenced to death. Attempts at securing a reprieve for Casement, a campaign which was supported by such figures as W.B. Yeats and George Bernard Shaw, proved to be futile. One reason for the failure of the reprieve campaign was the discovery of Casement’s ‘black diaries’, which revealed that he was a homosexual and, due to the explicit sexual nature of the diaries, support for Casement’s cause dwindled and prevented the chance of a reprieve; he was duly stripped of his knighthood and executed on 3rd August, 1916[7].

Legacy

Casement’s legacy is still being debated by historians. Angus Mitchell has stated that: “the great paradox in Casement’s life is that he is both a traitor and a hero. He continues to live in this no man’s land of history, claimed by no one”[8], and indeed, it seems a life full of contradictions has meant that Casement’s legacy is still being assessed. Within the unionist community in Ireland, as well as in Britain, he is primarily remembered for what they perceive to be his treachery and considered a traitor. Casement is also not universally accepted within the nationalist community in Ireland either, which Mitchell puts down to his work for the British consular service as well as his homosexuality. However, in other parts of the world, Casement’s humanitarian work is developing a growing respect and appreciation, such as in the Congo and Peru, where he was arguably the most successful in his campaigning efforts. Mario Vargas Llosa, the Peruvian Nobel Laureate, declared that: “Roger Casement was not perfect. I think he was a tragic figure. But he should be regarded as a pioneer in the fight against colonialism, racism and prejudice.”[9]

For some, Casement was a traitor who turned his back on Britain at a crucial time during the First World War to support a rebellion in Ireland. For others, he was an Irish patriot who was also one of the great humanitarian campaigners, able to help bring about the end of oppressive, brutal treatment for native workers in both the Congo and Peru and who was also a staunch anti-imperialist. Casement’s anti-imperialist sentiment was evident in the speech he made after his conviction of treason: “Self-government is our right, a thing born in us at birth, a thing no more to be doled out to us, or withheld from us, by another people than the right to life itself”[10]. The debate on Casement’s legacy will no doubt rage on. One thing is for certain though, he was one of the most influential figures in the movement for Congo reform and, without whom, the entire campaign may have been over before it had even begun.

Notes

[1] Angus Mitchell, Casement, (London: Haus Publishing Ltd, 2003), pp.10-11.
[2] Ibid, p.19.
[3] Ibid, pp.21-22.
[4] Congo Free State. HC Deb 20 May 1903 vol. 122 cc1289-332, accessed 13th August, 2014
[5] William Roger Louis, Ends of British Imperialism: The Scramble for Empire, Suez, and Decolonization, (London: I.B. Tauris, 2006), p.127.
[6] Mario Vargas Llosa and Edith Grossman, The Dream of the Celt, (London: Faber, 2012), p.101.
[7] Peter Crutchley, “Roger Casement: How did a hero come to be considered a traitor?”, BBC Knowledge & Learning, accessed 13th August 2014,
[8] Ibid
[9] Ibid
[10] “Roger Casement’s Speech from the Dock”, New Statesman, accessed 13th August 2014